What we at The Hotline learned this week:
-- President Obama's gay marriage reversal was an historic moment, but it was just that - a moment. Don't expect his embrace of a controversial social issue to actually move any votes this year. For one thing, the only segment of the Democratic base that disagrees on gay marriage - socially conservative African Americans - is the segment most likely to stick with Obama through thick and thin.
-- On the other hand, even if the country itself is evenly divided overall, it hardly seems far-fetched to conclude that some down-ballot Democrats in red states may suffer from Obama's announcement, and a good many of this year's toss-up races will be in areas with culturally conservative populations. It is by no means proven that all anti-gay marriage voters in these seats would never have voted for Obama or Democrats anyway, as some have suggested.
-- Polling on the issue of same-sex marriage is ambiguous. In most surveys, Americans narrowly favor same-sex marriage or -- at worst -- are split on the question. Some observers have wondered if respondents might tell live-caller pollsters that they favor same-sex marriage when they actually oppose it because they don't think their opposition is socially acceptable, and so automated polls might better reflect public opinion on the issue. But there are two problems with that theory: the fact that same-sex marriage has become more acceptable reflects a change in public opinion, and automated pollsters can't legally call cell phones. Younger Americans are more likely to live in households without a landline, meaning automated pollsters would be shortchanging those who appear to be driving this change.
-- One puzzling thing in the wake of Obama's gay marriage announcement: The apparent need for Obama's top advisers to throw Vice President Biden under the bus, figuratively, for speaking out on the issue ahead of his boss. Yes, he made an unintentional gaffe, and stepped entirely over the president's re-election message. Yes, he made the president look bad by outspokenly backing an issue the president was still "evolving" over - when he's supposed to be the White House's unofficial liaison to working-class white voters. (Indeed, senior WH officials anonymously told the New York Times that he privately opposed coming out for gay marriage before making his "Meet the Press" comments.
But now that the cat's out of the bag, there was no need to play the blame game - and leak publicly that Biden was forced to apologize to the president in the Oval Office. It made the White House look too self-centered in the wake of the historic announcement, and unable to celebrate a very real accomplishment.
-- If you're looking for the relevance of the tea party this cycle, take a glance at Indiana, where early organization and synergy among conservative groups paved the way for Treasurer Richard Mourdock to emerge as a consensus challenger in the Senate race well before outside groups swooped in. Sen. Richard Lugar, who ran a lousy campaign, is mostly to blame for his own loss on Tuesday. But the local flavor of his defeat is also a reminder that when conservative grassroots groups band together, their anti-establishment message is less muddled and more powerful than when national organizations on the right swoop in and hijack campaigns.